South African Scorpions Lose Their Sting

Two weeks ago, the parliament of South Africa -- essentially an arm of the ruling African National Congress party -- voted to abolish the Directorate of Special Operations and fold their jurisdiction into the work of the National Police. The move surprised no one but has angered many. Over the course of its nine year existence, the independent crime fighting unit of the National Prosecuting Authority, colorfully known as the Scorpions, has brought charges against current ANC head -- and presidential heir-apparent -- Jacob Zuma, as well as other high-profile ANC-supported figures such as former National Police Chief Jackie Selebi and Winnie Mandela.

Critics argue that many of the Scorpion's investigations were selective and (especially the Zuma probe) politically motivated. Defenders claim that the Scorpions were among the few institutions that kept South Africa from becoming a kleptocrat's paradise. But given that South Africa has some of the worst set of crime statistics in the world, it seems odd that the country's lawmakers would choose this moment to eradicate the Scorpions by blending them into the far less effective National Police.

In a recent poll conducted by TNS Research Surveys, almost 60 percent of South Africans contacted believe that the Scorpions should be retained. Various lawsuits have been launched on their behalf, but the die is cast. The Scorpions' former boss, Leonard McCarthy, has already been recruited by the anti-corruption unit of the World Bank (after being labeled a subversive by members of the ANC's executive committee), and all members of the unit have been asked to either interview for other jobs within the police and civil-service or to hand in their resignations. To no one's surprise, many members are simply walking away in disgust.

In a sense, the fall of the Scorpions also reflects the fall of Thabo Mbeki. In 1999, Mbeki was viewed as a cosmopolitan reformer. The creation of the Scorpions was one of the most potent symbols of his desire to change the direction of South Africa's drift towards criminal anarchy. His view of the unit changed, however, when former Police Chief Jackie Selebi, his friend and supporter, was investigated last year for alleged ties with organized crime figures.

Nevertheless, Mbeki launched an independent evaluation of whether the Scorpions should remain apart from the police. The Khampepe Report, named after the judge who headed the investigation, concluded that the Scorpions needed reform, not disbandment. It suggested that officers be selected more carefully and that the Scorpions be kept out of matters of state security and intelligence gathering.

The report was finished several years ago but only released to the public recently, too late to save the Scorpions and perhaps too late to allow the South African people to decide who they want as their watchdogs.

It seems increasingly as if the ANC's goal is to make itself indistinguishable from the government of South Africa, even though it is technically just another political party. By claiming the mantle of symbol of the "people," it has implied through its actions -- if not its legislative agenda as yet -- that any efforts to challenge its authority are unpatriotic, subversive and politically motivated. In the United States, arguments such as these would be met with derision. In South Africa, where the political landscape is completely dominated by one party, they are a hammer by which the ANC dominates its critics.

Published in World Politics Review, Nov. 5, 2008

South Africa Holds Its Breath After Mbeki Resignation

South Africa faces an uncertain future in the aftermath of a tumultuous week that culminated in President Thabo Mbeki agreeing to step down sooner than his already announced departure date in 2009. Mbeki's decision came at the recommendation of the governing body of the African National Congress, the country's dominant political party, following a scandal surrounding his government's interference in the attempted prosecution of ANC President (and Mbeki rival) Jacob Zuma on charges of corruption. A South African judge dismissed the case against Zuma last week, prompting Mbeki's rivals within the ANC to push for his early ouster. While Mbeki ultimately agreed to go should all the constitutional protocols be followed, it would be premature to conclude that this story will end there.While the world's image of South Africa remains shaped by its peaceful post-apartheid transition, conditions on the ground suggest that the ascension of Jacob Zuma will be anything but smooth. Thabo Mbeki has had enough charisma and intelligence to maintain the flow of foreign investment into the country. But while his effectiveness as a leader has enriched many of his colleagues and supporters, the vast majority of black South Africans haven't found their lives materially improved, and it is among the latter group that Zuma draws his support.It isn't yet clear whether Mbeki's supporters will fight to hold on to the reins of power. But a glimpse of what could happen should they do so was offered last spring, when South Africa exploded in wave upon wave of xenophobic violence. Tens of thousands of foreign immigrants were displaced or forced to flee while hundreds were murdered in cold blood. These events shocked the world and made it clear that South Africa is a powder keg. A serious power struggle within the ANC might just be the spark that lights the fuse once again.To prevent such a calamity, the ANC needs to relax its grip on power and let more parties and contending voices into the political process. An alternative scenario whereby Mbeki and his supporters form a new political party could actually be a healthy development for South Africa's political landscape.Second, white South Africans -- long used to Mbeki's multiracial liberalism and for whom Zuma's aggressive populism bears a worrying resemblance to their northern neighbor, Zimbabwe -- need to be reassured that their lives and property will be protected after the change in government. Third, the wise men of the liberation movement like Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu must use their legitimacy to shore up the country's political process.Lastly, the international community must accept that today's South Africa is no longer the same country that taught the world a lesson in peaceful reconciliation. It may very well need help to keep this transition from turning bloody.

Published Sept.23, World Politics Review

Vavi Puts COSATU into the Fray

Here are comments from Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary of COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions). They show both an overt disgust with the events going on in Zimbabwe as well as a position that is in stark contrast to the 'softly, softly' , pro-Mugabe approach of South African President Thabo Mbeki.

This is part of a speech given at a trade union rally on August 10 in solidarity with freedom fighters in Zimbabwe and Swaziland.

Our message is clear – Zimbabwe and Swaziland cannot continue to be islands of dictatorship surrounded by a sea of democracy in our region. We demand freedom and democracy for citizens of both countries. We want democracy for the citizens of our neighbouring countries today and not tomorrow. For the freedom of workers in those countries we will fight until the last drop of blood in our bodies is dried up. We shall, with the same determination as we fought against the apartheid monster, continue to wage a struggle until all of us in the region can proclaim that we succeeded to free human kind from not only the bondages of oppression and repression but from the clutches of poverty.

As I said to the preparatory meeting for this conference, to us international solidarity is the lifeblood of trade unionism. To us there are no borders when it comes to practicing the universal slogan of the working class – an injury to one is an injury to all.

The need for this conference is underlined by deepening crises in both countries. The human rights abuses in Zimbabwe have scaled new heights. The beatings of ordinary people, the burning down of their property, the killings and torture continue as though the current negotiations means nothing to the illegal Mugabe regime.

Let us again statethat we support the ongoing efforts to negotiate a political settlement to the Zimbabwe crises. We accordingly wish President Thabo Mbeki and the other facilitators of these negotiations together with all parties involved good luck and success as they try to find lasting solutions to the Zimbabwe crises. We must however hurry to say we will not give these negotiations unconditional
support. To us the following issues are not negotiable.

Any settlement that does not recognise the will of the people as expressed in the 29 March elections will not be acceptable. It will represent an elite accord that can never enjoy legitimacy in the eyes of the ordinary people of Zimbabwe.

• The June elections were illegitimate and therefore the outcomes must not be recognised.
  
• The government to be formed should be an interim government whose main task should be mainly limited to preparing for a fresh round of elections that will strictly adhere to the SADC elections protocols.
  
• Violence, intimidation and use of state of institutions in a factional and partisan fashion must come to an end.
  

Whilst all these negotiations proceed and whilst we wish these talks
success, we know that we cannot let up the pressure on the Mugabe government.
There is no contradiction between negotiations to find a peaceful settlement
and the mass struggles and pressure. There is no settlement. There are rumours
to the fact that the settlement is near. We shall accordingly continue to pile
pressure until a settlement is reached that is based on our demands.

In the meantime we do not recognise Mugabe as the President of Zimbabwe. We insist that he should not be invited in the SADC heads of state summit that takes place in South Africa on 15-17 August 2008. We shall accordingly protest his presence here. We call on COSATU members in Gauteng, as well as all progressive civil society formations and other freedom lovers to join us to register our disgust
at his presence through a march we are organising for 16 August 2008.

In this summit we shall present the draft programme we developed in the preparations meeting for discussion and adoption. We want a total isolation of Mugabe and his cronies.

.