Thursday, December 11, 2008
Critics argue that many of the Scorpion's investigations were selective and (especially the Zuma probe) politically motivated. Defenders claim that the Scorpions were among the few institutions that kept South Africa from becoming a kleptocrat's paradise. But given that South Africa has some of the worst set of crime statistics in the world, it seems odd that the country's lawmakers would choose this moment to eradicate the Scorpions by blending them into the far less effective National Police.
In a recent poll conducted by TNS Research Surveys, almost 60 percent of South Africans contacted believe that the Scorpions should be retained. Various lawsuits have been launched on their behalf, but the die is cast. The Scorpions' former boss, Leonard McCarthy, has already been recruited by the anti-corruption unit of the World Bank (after being labeled a subversive by members of the ANC's executive committee), and all members of the unit have been asked to either interview for other jobs within the police and civil-service or to hand in their resignations. To no one's surprise, many members are simply walking away in disgust.
In a sense, the fall of the Scorpions also reflects the fall of Thabo Mbeki. In 1999, Mbeki was viewed as a cosmopolitan reformer. The creation of the Scorpions was one of the most potent symbols of his desire to change the direction of South Africa's drift towards criminal anarchy. His view of the unit changed, however, when former Police Chief Jackie Selebi, his friend and supporter, was investigated last year for alleged ties with organized crime figures.
Nevertheless, Mbeki launched an independent evaluation of whether the Scorpions should remain apart from the police. The Khampepe Report, named after the judge who headed the investigation, concluded that the Scorpions needed reform, not disbandment. It suggested that officers be selected more carefully and that the Scorpions be kept out of matters of state security and intelligence gathering.
The report was finished several years ago but only released to the public recently, too late to save the Scorpions and perhaps too late to allow the South African people to decide who they want as their watchdogs.
It seems increasingly as if the ANC's goal is to make itself indistinguishable from the government of South Africa, even though it is technically just another political party. By claiming the mantle of symbol of the "people," it has implied through its actions -- if not its legislative agenda as yet -- that any efforts to challenge its authority are unpatriotic, subversive and politically motivated. In the United States, arguments such as these would be met with derision. In South Africa, where the political landscape is completely dominated by one party, they are a hammer by which the ANC dominates its critics.
Published in World Politics Review, Nov. 5, 2008
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
South Africa faces an uncertain future in the aftermath of a tumultuous week that culminated in President Thabo Mbeki agreeing to step down sooner than his already announced departure date in 2009. Mbeki's decision came at the recommendation of the governing body of the African National Congress, the country's dominant political party, following a scandal surrounding his government's interference in the attempted prosecution of ANC President (and Mbeki rival) Jacob Zuma on charges of corruption. A South African judge dismissed the case against Zuma last week, prompting Mbeki's rivals within the ANC to push for his early ouster. While Mbeki ultimately agreed to go should all the constitutional protocols be followed, it would be premature to conclude that this story will end there.While the world's image of South Africa remains shaped by its peaceful post-apartheid transition, conditions on the ground suggest that the ascension of Jacob Zuma will be anything but smooth. Thabo Mbeki has had enough charisma and intelligence to maintain the flow of foreign investment into the country. But while his effectiveness as a leader has enriched many of his colleagues and supporters, the vast majority of black South Africans haven't found their lives materially improved, and it is among the latter group that Zuma draws his support.It isn't yet clear whether Mbeki's supporters will fight to hold on to the reins of power. But a glimpse of what could happen should they do so was offered last spring, when South Africa exploded in wave upon wave of xenophobic violence. Tens of thousands of foreign immigrants were displaced or forced to flee while hundreds were murdered in cold blood. These events shocked the world and made it clear that South Africa is a powder keg. A serious power struggle within the ANC might just be the spark that lights the fuse once again.To prevent such a calamity, the ANC needs to relax its grip on power and let more parties and contending voices into the political process. An alternative scenario whereby Mbeki and his supporters form a new political party could actually be a healthy development for South Africa's political landscape.Second, white South Africans -- long used to Mbeki's multiracial liberalism and for whom Zuma's aggressive populism bears a worrying resemblance to their northern neighbor, Zimbabwe -- need to be reassured that their lives and property will be protected after the change in government. Third, the wise men of the liberation movement like Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu must use their legitimacy to shore up the country's political process.Lastly, the international community must accept that today's South Africa is no longer the same country that taught the world a lesson in peaceful reconciliation. It may very well need help to keep this transition from turning bloody.
Published Sept.23, World Politics Review
Tuesday, August 19, 2008
"What is happening in Zimbabwe is a matter of serious embarrassment to all of us. It is scandalous for the SADC [Southern African Development Community] to remain silent in the light of what is happening..."
Monday, August 18, 2008
(1) There shall be a President who shall be Head of State and Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces.
(2) The President shall take precedence over all other persons in Zimbabwe.
What this means, is that everyone agrees that the Constitution has little meaning so what is necessary is an answer to the immediate Mugabe/Tsvangarai debacle. It seems that these governments of national unity are going to be a trend. They should be resisted. They are a short-term solution to an underlying crisis (whether in Zimbabwe or Kenya or Iraq) and merely putting off a meaningful soultion.
And what about the rights of the people to choose a government?
Friday, August 15, 2008
Here are comments from Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary of COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions). They show both an overt disgust with the events going on in Zimbabwe as well as a position that is in stark contrast to the 'softly, softly' , pro-Mugabe approach of South African President Thabo Mbeki.
This is part of a speech given at a trade union rally on August 10 in solidarity with freedom fighters in Zimbabwe and Swaziland.
Our message is clear – Zimbabwe and Swaziland cannot continue to be islands of dictatorship surrounded by a sea of democracy in our region. We demand freedom and democracy for citizens of both countries. We want democracy for the citizens of our neighbouring countries today and not tomorrow. For the freedom of workers in those countries we will fight until the last drop of blood in our bodies is dried up. We shall, with the same determination as we fought against the apartheid monster, continue to wage a struggle until all of us in the region can proclaim that we succeeded to free human kind from not only the bondages of oppression and repression but from the clutches of poverty.
As I said to the preparatory meeting for this conference, to us international solidarity is the lifeblood of trade unionism. To us there are no borders when it comes to practicing the universal slogan of the working class – an injury to one is an injury to all.
The need for this conference is underlined by deepening crises in both countries. The human rights abuses in Zimbabwe have scaled new heights. The beatings of ordinary people, the burning down of their property, the killings and torture continue as though the current negotiations means nothing to the illegal Mugabe regime.
Let us again statethat we support the ongoing efforts to negotiate a political settlement to the Zimbabwe crises. We accordingly wish President Thabo Mbeki and the other facilitators of these negotiations together with all parties involved good luck and success as they try to find lasting solutions to the Zimbabwe crises. We must however hurry to say we will not give these negotiations unconditional
support. To us the following issues are not negotiable.
Any settlement that does not recognise the will of the people as expressed in the 29 March elections will not be acceptable. It will represent an elite accord that can never enjoy legitimacy in the eyes of the ordinary people of Zimbabwe.
- The June elections were illegitimate and therefore the outcomes must not be recognised.
- The government to be formed should be an interim government whose main task should be mainly limited to preparing for a fresh round of elections that will strictly adhere to the SADC elections protocols.
- Violence, intimidation and use of state of institutions in a factional and partisan fashion must come to an end.
Whilst all these negotiations proceed and whilst we wish these talks
success, we know that we cannot let up the pressure on the Mugabe government.
There is no contradiction between negotiations to find a peaceful settlement
and the mass struggles and pressure. There is no settlement. There are rumours
to the fact that the settlement is near. We shall accordingly continue to pile
pressure until a settlement is reached that is based on our demands.
In the meantime we do not recognise Mugabe as the President of Zimbabwe. We insist that he should not be invited in the SADC heads of state summit that takes place in South Africa on 15-17 August 2008. We shall accordingly protest his presence here. We call on COSATU members in Gauteng, as well as all progressive civil society formations and other freedom lovers to join us to register our disgust
at his presence through a march we are organising for 16 August 2008.
In this summit we shall present the draft programme we developed in the preparations meeting for discussion and adoption. We want a total isolation of Mugabe and his cronies..
Tuesday, August 12, 2008
Monday, August 11, 2008
This has been a bad week for the glory of France. Not only did they have their 'trash talking' about the American Olympic swim team smashed back into their faces: they have also been accused of complicity in the Rwandan genocide by a special commission in Kigali.
To this point, the official French response has been to question the objectivity of the report and to basically distance itself from the whole sordid episode. According to a spokeperson from the French Foreign Ministry the accusations are 'inacceptable'. (Not wrong, or insane...somehow simply inappropriate. Quelle horreur!)
Is it enough to let sleeping dogs lie here? Is French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner going to roll-over on this and follow the 'fog-of-war' party line.
The basic points of the accusation are that:
- The highest echelons of the French government were active in supporting the Hutu led government and viewed the RPF, Paul Kagame's Tutsi led guerilla movement, as an Anglophone plot to remove Rwanda from the French sphere of influence;
- Militarily, the French not only materially helped the Rwanda Hutu-led army but also the dreaded interhamwe guerillas
(This from a French journalist who was on the scene:
Je dois d'abord dire que je suis le seul, je dis bien : le seul journaliste français et même européen à avoir été mis en prison puis expulsé par les autorités belges pour avoir pris la défenses de ces pauvres gens. Il était déjà évident, pour tous les gens de bonne foi, qu'un génocide se préparait dans ce pays. Et, pour le gouvernement français, il fallait, à tous prix, garder ce pays dans la françafrique. Le reste... Tout le reste, était sans importance. Plus d'un million de morts. (Basically he is saying that everyone (Belgians, French, etc.) knew a genocide was coming and did nothing about it. For his efforts at tringing the bell this journalist was expelled from the country. )
If true this is a damning blight on the French national honor far beyond other questionable events such as the sinking of Greenpeace's Rainbow Warrior in 1985.
In order to clear the air the French need to set up a commission of inquiry and send representatives to Kigali to review the evidence in the Rwandan report and stop doing their tit-for-tat dance with the Kagame government over who did what to whom.
The commission should interview, under oath, all living members of the government and military who were involved in Rwandan policy.
French academics and journalists should climb into this and look at the accusations point-by-point and do their own independent analysis.
As is often the case in Africa, people are willing to settle for reconciliation and let justice slide. African governments have real reasons to let this happen, but European ones, especially ones where Bernard Kouchner is the Foreign Minister, have no excuse whatsoever.
Sunday, August 10, 2008
Saturday, August 9, 2008
"The spectacle caused by this group walking down busy market streets was overwhelming. I tried photographing this but failed, perhaps because I wasn't interested in their performances. I realised that what I found fascinating was the hybridisation of the urban and the wild, and the paradoxical relationship that the handlers have with their animals - sometimes doting and affectionate, sometimes brutal and cruel. I started looking for situations where these contrasting elements became apparent. I decided to concentrate on portraits. I would go for a walk with one of the performers, often just in the city streets, and, if opportunity presented itself, take a photograph. We travelled around from city to city, often chartering public mini-buses."
Hugo has gotten a lot of flack about these photos from animal rights groups and even human rights groups who feel that he is showing images of people who are somehow degraded because they are reduced to a side-show existence.
I can't buy this. There is something going on in these photos that is outside the hard-edge frame that Westerners like to bring to their art criticism, not to mention what they bring to their views on Africa. You can't help looking at these men and their animals and not come away with a deep sense of mystery. Hugo's art has a lot to do with revealing that mystery but the subjects are really doing the heavy lifting.
Friday, August 8, 2008
I reckon that these are the last days of TKM and ZPF. The darkest hour is always before dawn. We are all terrified at what they are going to destroy next........I mean they are actually ploughing down brick and mortar houses and one white family with twin boys of 10 had no chance of salvaging anything when 100 riot police came in with AK47's and bulldozers and demolished their beautiful house - 5 bedrooms and pine ceilings - because it was 'too close to the airport', so we are feeling extremely insecure right now. You know - I am aware that this does not help you sleep at night, but if you do not know - how can you help? Even if you put us in your own mental ring of light and send your guardian angels to be with us - that is a help - but I feel so cut off from you all knowing I cannot tell you what's going on here simply because you will feel uncomfortable.
There is no ways we can leave here so that is not an option. I ask that you all pray for us in the way that you know how, and let me know that you are thinking of us and sending out positive vibes... that's all. You can't just be in denial and pretend/believe it's not going on. To be frank with you, it's genocide in the making and if you do not believe me, read the Genocide Report by Amnesty International which says we are - IN level 7 - (level 8 is after it's happened and everyone is in denial). If you don't want me to tell you these things-how bad it is-then it means you have not dealt with your own fear, but it does not help me to think you are turning your back on our situation. We need you, please, to get the news OUT that we are all in a fearfully dangerous situation here. Too many people turn their backs and say - oh well, that's what happens in Africa . This Government has GONE MAD and you need to help us publicize our plight---or how can we be rescued? It's a reality! The petrol queues are a reality, the pall of smoke all around our city is a reality, the thousands of homeless people sleeping outside in 0 Celsius with no food, water, shelter and bedding are a reality. Today a family approached me, brother of the gardener's wife with two small children. Their home was trashed and they will have to sleep outside. We already support 8 adult people and a child on this property, and electricity is going up next month by 250% as is water. How can I take on another family of 4 -----and yet how can I turn them away to sleep out in the open? I am not asking you for money or a ticket out of here - I am asking you to FACE the fact that we are in deep and terrible danger and want you please to pass on our news and pictures.
So PLEASE don't just press the delete button! Help best in the way that you know how. Do face the reality of what is going on here and help us SEND OUT THE WORD.. The more people who know about it, the more chance we have of the United Nations coming to our aid. Please don't ignore or deny what's happening. Some would like to be protected from the truth BUT then, if we are eliminated, how would you feel? 'If only we knew how bad it really was we could have helped in some way'. [I know we chose to stay here and that some feel we deserve what's coming to us] For now,--- we ourselves have food, shelter, a little fuel and a bit of money for the next meal - but what is going to happen next? Will they start on our houses? All property is going to belong to the State now. I want to send out my Title Deeds to one of you because if they get a hold of those, I can't fight for my rights. Censorship!We no longer have SW radio [which told us everything that was happening] because the Government jammed it out of existence - we don't have any reporters, and no one is allowed to photograph. If we had reporters here, they would have an absolute field day. Even the pro-Government Herald has written that people are shocked, stunned, bewildered and blown mindless by the wanton destruction of many folks homes, which are supposed to be 'illegal' but for which a huge percentage actually do have licenses. Please! - do have some compassion and HELP by sending out the articles and personal reports so that something can/may be done.
Why is Kinzer so eager to see Kagame succeed? That's a simple enough question to answer. The Rwandan genocide was a horrendous event and one can only feel sympathy for the Rwandan people and wish them well in overcoming the disastrous effects of that grusome episode. One also senses a real affection for Kagame on the part of Kinzer who undoubtedly views him as an immensely heroic (even romantic?) figure. A true guerrilla leader/statesman in the mold of Che Guevara. A man who also bent history to his own will.
One of the most remarkable revelations in this book is that fact that foreign diplomats posted in Kigali are often at odds with their home governments in how to deal with the overtly authoritarian and at times repressive actions of Kagame's government. When Kinzer interviews these diplomats the same rationale seems to emerge: we don't like everything Kagame is doing but it seems to be working so let's not rock the boat. Kinzer also makes short work of critical analysts from organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch who according, to Kinzer, are short-sighted and may even have an anti-Kagame bias.
This is not to say that Kinzer himself is totally on board with the Kagame Way. Far from it. He asks all the right questions about all the appropriate issues, but his bias is always to give Kagame the benefit of the doubt. In fact he gives more than a benefit: he ends up suggesting that the Kagame Way might be the most appropriate way for the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa.
What would this mean? Basically a shift away from democratically elected governments to one party, 'enlightened' authoritarianism. Highly aggressive population control schemes, coupled with an emphasis on education, particularly of the technical kind. It also means state involvement in all aspects of the economy as well as hyper-security measures that are designed to undermine any organized resistance to the state's control. In other contexts, these measures would be reviled by the international community: in Rwanda the diplomats note that the streets are clean, that there is no visible crime in their particular neighborhoods and that the people are industrious, punctual, and polite. (What's there for a foreigner not to like?)
Given what Rwanda has been through it is hard to argue that what exists there now is much better than what went on before. It is also hard not to admire Paul Kagame. He is 'serious' (a 'serious' word in Rwanda), and fearless and does seem to be in the mold of other enlightened strong-men like Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore and Mahatir of Malaysia.
Whether there are other Kagames waiting in the wings of other African nations is highly doubtful. The best hope is that young politicians in other African countries will see that Kagame is offering a way that is not totally dependent on the 'kindness of strangers' i.e. foreign aid, and a way that stresses hard work and honesty over corruption and greed.
As for enlightened despotism: well let's hope that the world and Mr. Kinzer believe that even Africans deserve better.
A Thousand Hills:Rwanda's Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It
John Wiley & Sons 2008